Letters and Press Releases
Press release to announce the site's launch and the CIWCL's first major report A Question Mark Over Yarmouk, June 2012
Human Rights Watch, December 12, 2012
A mid-length letter outlining questions about the Nov. 25 alleged cluster bomb attack on children near Damascus, Syria.
Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, September 25, 2012
A very long letter/document to the OHCHR, about the facts behind the Syrian massacres of Al-Houla and Daraya, gets its own page to breathe:
Juy 5, UN Human Rights Commission
see that this gets placed in the "in box"at the "info
regards the recently publicized CoI report on the Syria situation, in
particular the "Houla" massacre, and the alleged child survivor of
it, as cited in the report. Detailed correlation of his various accounts reveal
a parade of red flags that story is not to be trusted.
objective analysis of the available sources would reach a similar conclusion.
It should be replicated or double-checked by honest professionals. Please see
that responsible investigators learn of this and consider the implications as
the world seeks answers to the growing crisis in Syria.
available for any questions or responses anyone might have.
of Citizen's Investigation
War Crimes in Libya
June 28, Physicians for Human Rights
from Adam Larson, of the Citizen's Investigation into War Crimes in Libya. and
please see this gets to the research department, and any other departments
concerned with PHR’s credibility and adherence to its stated mission.
promised our own report on the "32nd Brigade massacre." With some
delay, this is your alert that it is up - 152 pages all inclusive. A
nearly-identical second draft is coming, but too slowly to let this message
wait any longer. All the information will be the same in both drafts. (but for
one small error regarding your witnesses, verbally placing them in Zlitan by
accident). Other edits are to fix stray typos, improve a few sentences, and add
a few pictures.
and adequate PDF can be downloaded from this page:
the bottom of that page, there is a preview of a report that will also be
mentioning PHR's work and lack thereof. Apologies, but I see no responsible way
to approach that without some criticism. If PHR has any previous reports
regarding the massacre at Abu Salim trauma hospital, or anything to say on the
subject now, the CIWCL would very much like to see them.Our present
understanding is already explained in a blog post you might be interested in:
at PHR has any questions, complaints, or other feedback, they can feel free to
contact me anytime:
June 4, Physicians for Human Rights
Possibly falls under "Asylum program"
Please be aware, on the off-chance PHR isn't yet, that its
friend Dr. Salem Al-Farjani is in serious trouble. He also has serious injuries
and fears for his life after the unexplained arrest of May 17.
(adviser on 32nd brigade massacre report)
There are people working to secure his safety, and it's not
clear that PHR's help is required. I just wanted to be sure they are aware and
pulling any special strings they have to keep him safe. His work is very
important to understanding the truth in Libya.
Video about Al-Farjani I posted four days prior to his
And also, is Bashir Al-Sadeq here the same as PHR's witness
Omar? We know the answer, just wanted PHR to also be aware of that bit of
trickery they were victims of.
(fuller explanation: http://libyancivilwar.blogspot.com/2012/02/shed-massacre-witnesses-mohammed-bashir.html)
His current status might be wise to check on as well. We have no such
Chief executive person,
Investigation into War Crimes in Libya
(automated response, nothing further -ditto for all other messages to PHR)
Libya massacre, additional info and
Tuesday, March 13, 2012 3:12 PM
To the esteemed High Commissioner Pillay, President Lasserre,
and/or whoever reads e-mails for them;
My name is Adam Larson, the chief executive person at the newly-formed
Citizen's Investigation intoWar Crimes in Libya.
I have skimmed your recent report on abuses by both sides in the Libyan
war and the period since, and see value and,detail but, as usual, some areas
will require more scrutiny (that's usually not forthcoming) to reach the truth.
In particular, I am in a position to challenge the overall findings regarding
the Yarmouk shed massacre, explored on pages 67-71. Being an unedited version,
the report could stand some revisions there before being finalized.
The measurements of the shed, the space the prisoners were confined to,
is given as nine by twenty meters. I thought the space looked more square than
that, so I measured this against the satellite imagery in Google maps. Nine
meters is good, 20 includes the whole shed and the 4-meter-wide
covered space between it and the guard house. The true space they were in
together, could see each other and count each other inside of, is only 3/4 of
the shed, minus another 4 meter side-chamber (which contained at least two
charred bodies). Therefore, at about 9x12 meters, the main prison space would
have been nearly twice as crowded as you had previously calculated.
Further, the physical clues you cite as supportive of the narrow
conclusion drawn simply are not. Dead bodies are not in doubt. What is in doubt
is who they were when alive and who killed them. We know what the witnesses
say, but the un-burnt bodies seen around the shed were primarily black men,
some with military uniforms nearby (they were apparently caught sleeping).
There are also compelling signs the rebels conquered the base on August 23, the
day of the massacre. Therefore, the commission's findings of shell casings,
bone fragments and maggots does not clarify the truth. Loyalist troops,
suspected mercenaries, rebel fighters, and citizens of suspect loyalty all can
be shot, have bones and attract maggots when rotting. Further, casings, bullet
holes, and even grenade shrapnel can be planted/created after the fact, as
supports for a false narrative.
In fact, there's a small case for the opposite here - disrespected dead
might be more likely to have parts of their bodies left behind.
There are valid and potent open questions with this case, outlined in
the attached interim summary report, and to be finalized in a bigger
forthcoming report. I have been asking people to help stay the executions of
captive soldiers who've "confessed" to their role in a massacre I
believe was carried out against their own colleagues. These have been named as
"Ibrahim Sadeq Khalifa and "Laskhar." It sounds like the
commission heard from at least one other captive soldier, Brigadier . He
denied the things said about him by the rebels, like that he reported directly
to Khamis Gaddafi and so received the kill order he said he knew nothing
I ask the UNHRC and OHCHR to check that this man is still alive and
safe. He seems to have "broken script," a very brave thing to do, and
I fear the price he might have paid for that. In the report, he's listed as in
fact reporting to Khamis, which he denied. He's listed as "in
addition" to, separate from, the other guards who "admitted"
their factual involvement in the killing, and singled out for questioning why
he was being questioned. But there's a chance was the only truthful one
It would be appropriate to forward this message and report to the
relevant research staff, but also possibly for Mrs. Pillay, Ms. Laserre, and
others of decision-making authority to review at their own levels.
Adam J. Larson,
Citizen's Investigation into War Crimes in Libya.
ICC, Office of the Prosecutor, March 5, 2012
I have information on a crime that it's said "merits investigation" by the ICC. This is the Yarmouk or 32nd Brigade massacre of August 23, south of Tripoli, Libya. Yarmouk military base, Khamis Brigade, warehouse, grenades, burning, etc. The original 150 death toll now reported as 106 with 51 survivors, as told to the UN Human Rights Commission. See, if you haven't, their new, advance report:
Attached is an interim report, summary of findings, of a new organization, the Citizen's Investigation into War Crimes in Libya. A final report, much large and more detailed, is forthcoming. I will be sending that as well when it is completed.
Please see that this message and attached document gets to Mr.Moreno-Ocampo. It concerns him personally that his tour guide for the massacre site, Dr. Salem al-Farjani - recognized in an ITN video with the prosecutor - also gave tours to the world media aback on August 27. That was done under a pseudonym (Dr.Salem Rajab/Rajip/Rajub), claiming to be a local who directly witnessed the Gaddafi loyalist crime. Further, he has been caught apparently coaching alleged witnesses at the site that day. He and his contributions - to this case and all those he oversees on a national level - need to be re-examined.
The large body of witnesses contradicts itself on key features of the massacre. In particular, please consider the two captive soldiers. On death row in Az Zawiyah and Misrata for the same crime, they have it on two different dates, one with victims burned alive, one with the fire set days later (the latter being the "accepted" version - the UNHRC puts this on August 25, which seems plausible). Concerning recent revelations of widespread torture to elicit information from loyalist prisoners, these claims should be considered suspect even before they start contradicting each other.
Clues of a rebel conquest of the Yarmouk base on August 23, as opposed to the accepted August 26/27, are in the report. But I must also draw attention to a late-discovered fact not included. Journalist Andrew Raven of Reuters was outside the Yarmouk base on August 28. Based on what he was told, apparently, by fighters present that "the base [...] was overrun on Tuesday, the day much of Tripoli fell to a rebel advance.” (see 1:05 in the video linked below)
If that was a simple mix-up of day names, it's one supported by near-smoking-gun clues (in the interim report) that the rebels did hold the place, and had "found" the massacre's leavings (except with a full 140 grenade-damaged bodies) by dawn on the 24th. And the victims, those whose skin we can see, resemble victims of rebel massacre; they're primarily fighting-age black men.
ICC War crimes charges should apply, since Libya, as a part of Africa, is already considered an appropriate area to issue arrest warrants over. But ideally these should be aimed the right way to comport with physical reality, even if that means going against what a few dozen inconsistent witnesses say. This might take some thinking and even re-thinking, so please consider stepping outside the box Dr. al Farjani and the others have handed you.
The truth of this hasn't come out yet, but it will some day. Where will the ICC be relative to that?
- Sincerely yours,
Adam J. Larson
(this and a message in June were both acknowledged as received, a rare courtesy among those I've contacted)